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<text id=92TT2912>
<title>
Dec. 28, 1992: The Dilemma of Disarmament
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1992
Dec. 28, 1992 What Does Science Tell Us About God?
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
SOMALIA, Page 22
The Dilemma of Disarmament
</hdr><body>
<p>By Raymond Bonner/Mogadishu
</p>
<p>Raymond Bonner, a journalist who writes frequently about
foreign policy, has been living in Africa for the past four
years.
</p>
<p> For the Somali man, says U.S. Special Envoy Robert Oakley,
three things are important: "his camel, his wife and his weapon.
The right to bear arms is in their soul." That is a stereotyped
and simplistic view but with an element of truth. In Somalia's
nomadic culture, a weapon has always been essential to defend
against unknown enemies in the vast desert. Oakley believes that
if American soldiers began confiscating weapons, they would
quickly become the enemy.
</p>
<p> The disarmament issue presents a central dilemma for the
U.S. If the rifles and grenades and artillery pieces are not
stripped from the land, the streets will again become corridors
of death as soon as the Marines leave. Already unintimidated
armed thugs are resurfacing in many areas. There is a risk that
Operation Restore Hope could become a shallow exercise and an
expensive overdeployment of men and materiel.
</p>
<p> What makes officials like Oakley reluctant to engage in
wholesale disarmament is the ghosts of Lebanon. "In Beirut the
people responsible for the policy didn't understand the
political situation," he said. "They didn't realize that in
doing what we did, we became a combatant." When a narrowly
defined military role conflicted with political demands, the
Marines came to be seen as everyone's enemy, which led to the
1983 bombing in Beirut that killed 241 servicemen.
</p>
<p> In Somalia, U.S. officials fear their troops could be cast
into the same untenable position. U.N. Secretary-General
Boutros Boutros-Ghali has been leading a campaign to turn the
humanitarian mission into a more problematic operation to
rebuild the Somali nation. Step 1 is disarming a populace so
heavily armed that no one can even begin to figure the size of
the arsenal. But the Bush Administration remains unwilling to
take on a task that could put U.S. troops in the middle, making
the Marines the target of anyone who refuses to give up his gun.
</p>
<p> For now, Administration officials say they are encouraging
disarmament, but not imposing it. But if a political decision
were made to collect all the weapons, it would be fairly easy
to accomplish. The Somali clans do not have trained soldiers,
like the Serb militias in Bosnia. Most of those toting guns here
are youths, some not so big as the rifles they carry. They are
not fighting for any cause, not for communism or Islam, not for
freedom or democracy. They appear mainly interested in spoils.
When the Marines landed, they fled, and it is unlikely that they
would fight if the troops started seizing their weapons.
</p>
<p> Nonetheless, a campaign to disarm Somalis could create
hostility. "If we were obliged to go on a house-to-house search--which we wouldn't do anyway," said Oakley, "the Somalis would
see it as rank colonialism." Still some Somali leaders discount a
major backlash because, they say, the people are sick and tired
of the violence.
</p>
<p> Only the U.S. could even attempt the job of disarmament.
The French and Italian troops would never have the trust of the
Somalis, given their colonial histories in the region. The U.N.
is even more despised. In the eyes of most Somalis, U.N. aid
programs helped sustain the dictatorial government of Mohammed
Siad Barre, who was deposed in January 1991. Then, as the
country slid into civil war, the U.N. declined to act. As
anarchy and starvation accelerated, the U.N. agencies were
conspicuously absent.
</p>
<p> Only an "outside authority" can disarm Somalia, says
56-year-old Ahmed Jama, a former Somali national police chief.
"We are unable--or unwilling--to disarm ourselves. The best
authority, which has the goodwill of the Somali people, is the
American soldiers." He thinks it would take four to six months
for "total disarmament." If the U.S. proves unwilling to
undertake this part of its mission, then the result will be like
the end of the Gulf War--a job half done.
</p>
</body></article>
</text>